In my head, I had the association between increased urbanicity and risk of schizophrenia (Vassos et al, 2012) boxed off as a purely environmental risk factor. Being born in the capital city compared to being born in rural areas increases the risk of developing most mental disorders (Vassos et al, 2016).
Then along came this paper (Sariaslan et al, 2016), which followed-up an earlier study by the same group (Sariaslan et al, 2014) linking multiple data sources in Sweden (which keeps frightening amounts of data about their citizens in a variety of reliable Registries) to show that increased population density as well as deprivation increased the risk for a person being diagnosed with schizophrenia. This effect disappeared once effects of unobserved familial risk factors were accounted for. This suggested that urbanicity and deprivation effects on the risk of developing schizophrenia are due to more than the environmental effects of living in an urban and/or deprived environment.
Methods
The authors used two sources of data and ran appropriate analyses for them to check if their experimental hypothesis were likely to be true in both datasets to improve confidence in their results.
The first dataset was constructed from cross-referencing a Total Population Register to identify people born between 1951-74, the Multi Generation Register to identify full and half-siblings, National Patient Register to identify cases of schizophrenia as being hospitalised twice with this diagnosis (a reliable technique but identifying a relatively severely ill population) and the Small Area Marketing Statistics to define residence between 1982 and 2009 and other databases to identify Neighbourhood characteristics such as urban density and deprivation. Final sample was 759,536 sibling pairs (including half siblings) out of 2,628,631 live births in the period.
The second dataset was from the “TCHAD (Twin Study of Child and Adolescent Development); a population-based longitudinal twin study including all twins born in Sweden between May 1985 and December 1986 who were alive and Swedish residents at the end of 1994 (n = 2960) …The final sample included 1355 twin pairs, distributed over 533 monozygotic twin pairs (genetically identical) and 822 dizygotic twin pairs (sharing 50% genes in common).” Psychotic experiences were identified from the Child Behaviour Checklist and broader definitions of deprivation used. Blood samples were also collected from twins and genotyped to create a “polygenic risk score”. “One twin from each pair was randomly selected for inclusion to yield a data set of 6,796 unrelated individuals, avoiding potential biases from analyses of genetically correlated subjects.” The polygenic risk score was based on a “discovery SNP (single nucleotide polymorphisms) set (that) was generated from the results of the genome-wide association study of schizophrenia from the Psychiatric Genomics Consortium”.
Assessments and Results
For the first dataset, the first analysis was a comparison of odds ratios of sibling pairs with one member with schizophrenia vs sibling pairs without a member diagnosed with schizophrenia living in deprived areas, using the binary logistic regression model. This found odds ratios for full siblings to be higher than half-siblings, but the confidence intervals overlapped. Sibling pairs affected by schizophrenia were twice as likely to live in deprived areas (24%) compared to sibling pairs not affected by schizophrenia (12%).
For the second dataset, a similar logistic regression model analysis was performed but using the presence of psychotic experiences for differentiating monozygotic and dizygotic twin pairs. There was a big difference in odds ratios between monozygotic twin pairs living in deprivation with psychotic experiences (OR=7.03) compared to dizygotic twin pairs living in deprivation with psychotic experiences (OR=1.23), but the 95% confidence intervals overlapped.
A univariate analysis of the “ACE” type was performed with the first dataset using evidence-based assumptions. Additive genetic factors accounted for 0.65 of the variance for deprivation and 0.72 for schizophrenia, unique environmental factors accounted for 0.32 of variance for deprivation and 0.28 for schizophrenia (shared environmental factors contributed little to variance).
In the second dataset of twins, for deprivation there was a much more even contribution of additive genetic (0.41), shared environmental (0.26) and unique environmental factors (0.32) to variance. For psychotic experiences, 0.90 of the variance was due to additive genetic factors with little contribution from shared or unique environmental factors.
A bivariate analysis in the first sample found a moderate correlation between deprivation and schizophrenia (r=0.22). A similar moderate correlation (r=0.20) was found in the second sample.
The polygenic risk score for the second sample was found to be significant in predicting a relationship between schizophrenia and living in deprivation and all the SNPs included contributed to 0.15 of the variance in neighbourhood deprivation.
Analysis was repeated varying the assumptions made and no significant differences found in the results.
Strengths
- Use of large databases of comprehensive information collected nationally for first dataset
- Use of second dataset to confirm results from first dataset, collected from large twin study
- Multiple analysis in different datasets all triangulating to give same result increase confidence in conclusions, including the use of molecular genetics based on an existing dataset
- Similar results in both severe form of schizophrenia plus a broader psychosis phenotype in twin studies indicates results applicable to both schizophrenia and a broader psychosis phenotype
- Repeating analysis varying assumptions used (including other non-affective psychosis diagnosis from the Patient Registry) showed similar results.
Weaknesses
- Data not collected prospectively for the purposes of this analysis
- Sweden more socially mobile and less ethnically diverse than UK, so not totally identical populations when extrapolating results to the UK
- The ACE type of analysis involves assumptions such as “no assortative mating, equal exposure across sibling types and a constant shared environmental correlation for each sibling type”. Violations of these assumptions may lead to an increase or decrease in the contribution of genetic factors but is unlikely to have had a major effect and is inevitable in this type of modelling.
Overall I was impressed by the rigour of the study and felt that the strengths outweighed the weaknesses.
Conclusions
I experienced cognitive resistance to the conclusions of this study as I had previously settled on the increased risk of schizophrenia due to urbanicity and deprivation being environmental in nature. However, this study seems to provide strong evidence that this effect of deprivation increasing the risk of schizophrenia is largely caused by genetics increasing the risk of psychosis and schizophrenia, as well as genetics increasing the risk of deprivation. The authors previous study (Sariaslan et al, 2014) showed that familial effects were more important than the duration of time spent experiencing deprivation as an adolescent.
So what now? Replication studies would obviously be helpful. People who think that the urbanicity and deprivation effects increasing risk of schizophrenia/ psychosis is an environmental effect need to conduct studies to demonstrate that this view is correct, taking into account genetic factors. It is insufficient to merely provide theoretical reasons as to why this study is wrong or to highlight any methodological problems. All research is imperfect and theories may seem correct but fail under empirical challenge. The gauntlet is thrown down. I have had to change my mind. Will further research change it back again?
Please note that as part of writing this blog I discussed methodological questions about the paper with the first author of the paper.
Links
Primary paper
Sariaslan A, Fazel S, D’Onofrio BM, Långström N, Larsson H, Bergen SE, Kuja-Halkola R, Lichtenstein P. (2016) Schizophrenia and subsequent neighborhood deprivation: revisiting the social drift hypothesis using population, twin and molecular genetic data. Translational Psychiatry (2016) 6, e796; doi:10.1038/tp.2016.62 Published online 3 May 2016
Other references
Sariaslan A, Larsson H, D’Onofrio B, Långström N, Fazel S, Lichtenstein P. (2016) Does population density and neighborhood deprivation predict schizophrenia? A nationwide Swedish family-based study of 2.4 million individuals. Schizophr Bull. 2015 Mar;41(2):494-502. doi: 10.1093/schbul/sbu105. Epub 2014 Jul 22.
Vassos E, Pedersen CB, Murray RM, Collier DA, Lewis CM. (2012) Meta-analysis of the association of urbanicity with schizophrenia. Schizophr Bull. 2012 Nov;38(6):1118-23. doi: 10.1093/schbul/sbs096. Epub 2012 Sep 26.
Vassos E, Agerbo E, Mors O, Pedersen CB. (2016) Urban-rural differences in incidence rates of psychiatric disorders in Denmark. Br J Psychiatry. 2016 May;208(5):435-40. doi: 10.1192/bjp.bp.114.161091. Epub 2015 Dec 17. [PubMed abstract]
Schizophrenia and urban deprivation https://t.co/H7yUx2udb7
RT @SameiHuda: Further research needed: is deprivation link to schizophrenia mostly environmental given evidence for genetics? https://t.co…
RT @vaughanbell: Intriguing study: genetics accounts for urban-living risk factor for schizophrenia https://t.co/EOhqmBWqs9 Counter-points…
RT @Mental_Elf: Has previous research over-emphasized relative importance of environment in social drift of schizophrenia patients?
https:…
Study suggests genetic liability for schizophrenia also predicts subsequent residence in deprived neighbourhoods https://t.co/bx4cVITpnH
Hi @AmirSariaslan @seenafazel Any thoughts on @SameiHuda’s blog of your schizophrenia & social drift paper? https://t.co/bx4cVITpnH
This paper is interesting, but its logic and the strength of the conclusions are contentious. If we turn everything on its head, and start with the assumption that causation is entirely due to growing up in urban deprivation, then shared genotype is a confounded finding because poverty is transmitted by social class. As with many epidemiological papers, you can radically alter conclusions by holding different (and often unstated) assumptions. This doesn’t invalidate the paper, but it makes the conclusions rather bold, to say the least. Also the evidence on social causation includes evidence that there is a dose effect of months spend in urban deprivation before the age of 16 etc. which is hard to square with the implicit model here. I think that, overall, it is impossible to make sense of the genetic and social evidence in a single model, which suggests we need a true paradigm shift.
Professor Poole,
Many thanks for taking an interest in our work. I would be inclined to agree with your assessment if there had been robust evidence for a causal effect between exposure to neighbourhood characteristics during childhood and adolescence and later risk of schizophrenia. As we showed in our previous paper (Sariaslan et al., 2015) cited above, where we explicitly tested the social causation hypothesis, neither deprivation nor urbanicity measured from birth up to age 15 years predicted later schizophrenia when we examined differentially exposed siblings. We also found commensurate findings for differentially exposed cousins. Importantly, we found that unrelated individuals who resided in the same neighbourhood did not share any characteristics that increased their risks of schizophrenia. The dose-response associations observed in the Danish studies were based on correlational analyses and need to be re-analysed using quasi-experimental research designs that can adequately account for unmeasured (familial) confounding. Given the similarities between Sweden and Denmark, I would assume that such replication efforts would result in similar findings as the ones we have presented.
RT @SameiHuda: A paradigm shift on social deprivation as a cause of schizophrenia? https://t.co/6HuJoZidkx
RT @JanPieterMaes: Schizophrenia and urban deprivation: When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do? https://t.co/dlQzABljIr
Don’t miss: Schizophrenia & urban deprivation: When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do? https://t.co/bx4cVITpnH @SameiHuda
Strong evidence link btwn deprivation & schizophrenia largely genetic. https://t.co/cDN3F8dYMB @SameiHuda on study by @AmirSariaslan
#Schizophrenia and Urban Deprivation: When the Facts Change, I Change My Mind. What do you do? https://t.co/T5YOxFfT5R
‘Schizophrenia and urban deprivation: When the facts change, I change my mind…’ @SameiHuda for @Mental_Elf https://t.co/nLLm5UlmAw
A very helpful summary of a paper that certainly made me think more about my ideas about the social causation of psychosis.
I wondered however about the assumption that differences between MZ twin pairs living in deprivation compared to DZ twin pairs living in deprivation as being accounted for by genetic factors. A recent comprehensive review found that MZ twins were significantly more likely to both have experienced childhood social adversity than DZ twins. This difference was robust across five categories: bullying, sexual abuse, physical maltreatment, neglect, and traumatic life events. The difference remained consistent across gender, country, and whether social adversity data came by self-report or by informant. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4411885/
Is it possible that the variance in social deprivation differences being accounted for by genetics in this study are actually the result of differences in unmeasured social adversity between MZ and DZ twins?
I agree with the conclusion that is important to not just critique such studies, but to provide empirical evidence for competing ideas. It just seems more difficult for social/environmental causation theories as they generally require going out and collecting novel data as opposed to exploring existing national registries.
Mr. Horgan,
Whilst a genetic mediation hypothesis remains a possibility, and should be tested for empirically in future studies, I would like to highlight the following. Our main model did not include twins but non-twin biological full-siblings and half-siblings. The prevalence of a wide range of environmental risks, including the ones that you mentioned in your post, are higher in half-siblings than in full-siblings due to selection effects. If nothing else, half-siblings are exposed to the separation of their biological parents. Despite this, we found that the full-siblings were considerably more similar to one another than the half-siblings. In complementary sensitivity analyses, we re-ran our quantitative genetic models using a sub-sample that excluded the half-siblings, retained the non-twin full-siblings and added MZ and DZ twins. The results the latter analyses were fully commensurate with the main findings. Note that this is largely consistent with similar efforts to validate twin heritability estimates using additional sibling types (see e.g., Kendler et al., 2016).
Reference
K. S. Kendler, H. Ohlsson, A. C. Edwards, P. Lichtenstein, K. Sundquist and J. Sundquist (2016). A novel sibling-based design to quantify genetic and shared environmental effects: application to drug abuse, alcohol use disorder and criminal behavior. Psychological Medicine, 46, pp 1639-1650. doi:10.1017/S003329171500224X.
RT @Mental_Elf: Today @SameiHuda on #Schizophrenia & subsequent neighborhood deprivation: revisiting the #SocialDriftHypothesis https://t.c…